(Monarchical) Electoral Oligarchy
The United Kingdom, as known today, was created in 1707 with the Acts of Union that united the Kingdom of England (including Wales) and the Kingdom of Scotland. This unification resulted in forming of a single legislative body, the Parliament of Great Britain.1 Nonetheless, certain elements remained separate, such as Scottish and English law and the education systems of both countries.2 The removal of voting rights based on religion occurred with the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1791 in the Kingdom of Great Britain and the Kingdom of Ireland. Since then the right to vote has never been based on race or religion.3 On 01/01/1801, Great Britain and Ireland united to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and created a legislative Union, the Parliament of the United Kingdom, through the Act of Union 1800.2 Until the late eighteenth century, ministers served as advisors to the sovereign, whose decision they were obliged to follow. However, the enactment of the Catholic Emancipation in 1829 market the decline of the sovereign’s independent political power. The Reform Act of 1832 significantly impacted constitutional monarchy, expanding the franchise, giving rise to the modern party system, and effectively reducing the sovereign’s influence in general elections. In 1868, prime minister Disraeli resigned without seeking parliament’s audience, recognizing that public opinion, rather than the House of Commons, held the power to form and dissolve governments. This resolved the long-standing conflict between the sovereign and parliament: It became evident that a government, even with the backing of the House of Commons, needed to gain the support of the voters. The sovereign could no longer sway voters to elect their preferred choice as prime minister (Bogdanor 1995: 27). After Queen Victoria’s passing in 1901, no sovereign was able to veto a minister’s appointment. As a result, the monarchy assumed the role of a politically neutral mediator between parties, as demonstrated by George V in 1914 regarding Irish Home Rule and in 1915 regarding conscription (Bogdanor 1995). Up until 1918 there was no universal male suffrage. Voting rights were linked to property.4 We code the regime in this period as an electoral oligarchy rather than a constitutional monarchy since the sovereign lacked significant political power and was not in a position to appoint the prime minister to rule on their behalf. Instead, the prime minister was chosen through parliamentary elections, albeit with limited suffrage, and ceremonially accepted by the monarch. Based on our observations, multiparty executive and legislative elections were held during this period, which aligns with the observations of LIED. Elections were already competitive according to LIED. V-Dem’s CEI indicates somewhat cleanliness scores. The overall election conditions were already free and fair following V-Dem’s EF&FI. LDI scores are moderate. The decisive reason for the classification is the very exclusive suffrage. Nevertheless, according to LIED and V-Dem’s PCLI the country already guaranteed full political liberties until 1914. For the remaining years of this regime period, LIED identifies political liberties as absent, while V-Dem's PCLI is classified by us as indicating that political liberties are present. According to Polity5, during this period, the executive was subordinate to or held equal power with other institutions, indicating executive parity or subordination. For the relevant regime period, V-Dem's JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were comprehensive, while V-Dem's LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were robust.