Va-PoReg Country Report Albania 1913–2025

Ottoman authority over Albania was consolidated in connection with the cession of Shkodra under the Treaty of Constantinople signed on 01/25/1479.¹ Even though the Ottomans claimed rule of all Albanian lands, most Albanian ethnic territories were still governed by medieval Albanian nobility who were free of Ottoman rule. This circumstance led to uprising and revolts against the Ottomans until the last town Himara was captured by them in 1509. Only the region of Mirdita in the north of Albania could never be fully invaded, and Ottomans had to ensure the right of autonomy for this region. In 17th century Islamization increased in the invaded regions and converted Albanians would eventually dominate the Ottoman power structures disproportionally. As Ottoman central authority weakened, a period of the semi-independence started for local Albanian rulers in Balkans in the 1750s with the era of the so called Independent Albanian Pashas. These de facto independent Albanian Pashaliks would extend from Bosnia to today’s southern Greece.² Those pashas created separate states within the Ottoman state until they were overthrown by the sultan in 1831. As a result, power passed to tribal chieftains called ‘bajraktars’, who presided over given territories with rigid patriarchal societies that were often torn by blood feuds.³ The Albanian League was founded in 1878 to assert Albanian national interest. Its aim was to establish an autonomous state within the framework of the Ottoman Empire. The Albanian League was suppressed in 1881, because they were alarmed by its strong nationalistic orientation. This circumstance was current around our start date on 01/01/1900. When the Ottomans ignored their commitments to Albanians to institute democratic reforms and to grant autonomy, Albanians embarked on an armed struggle in 1910, which at the end of three years forced the Ottomans to agree, in effect, to grant their demands.⁴ On 08/1-11/1912 Albanian nationalist and Ottoman government representatives held negotiations, during which the Albanian presented a list of fourteen demands to the Ottoman government.⁵

On 11/28/1912, Albanian nationalists led by Ismail Kemal Bey proclaimed the independence of Albania from the Ottoman Empire in the port of Valona (Vlorë) on 11/28/1912 (Lansford 2021:18). Bey took office as president of the provisional government in Valona (Vlorë) on 04/12/1912. From 1912 to 1914 V-Dem’s PCLI classifies political liberties as ambiguous and LIED as absent. The Ottoman Empire formally relinquished its sovereignty over Albania only on 05/30/1913.⁶ However, de facto from this date on, Albania was independent. In December 1912, shortly after the declaration of independence, the Assembly of Vlora was convened. This assembly was not elected but consisted of representatives from various Albanian regions. For 1912 and 1913, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were limited. For 1914, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were moderate. According to LIED no multiparty executive and legislative elections were held in 1912, in 1913 only legislative elections, which weren’t multiparty, were held.

On 03/07/1914, Albania transitioned from a non-electoral transitional regime to an autocratic monarchy under Prince Wilhelm of Wied. This regime change was predominantly driven by foreign intervention, as European great powers selected and installed the new monarch under the framework of the London Conference. Domestic elites accepted the decision, but the primary impetus and structure of the regime came from external actors. ⁷ Prince Wilhelm reached his provisional capital of Durrës in Albania on 03/07/1914, along with the Royal family. The security of Albania was to be ensured by an International Gendarmerie led by Dutch officers. In this regime period there were no elections for parliament. Albania in this period was de facto a protectorate of the Great Powers (United Kingdom, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary, France, and Italy), as in the Conference of London Albania was proclaimed „an autonomous, sovereign and hereditary principality“ by virtue of primogeniture, assured by the six Powers. The sovereign will be appointed by these six Powers.⁸ Albania accepted this decision on 07/29/1913. As per Polity5’s classification, the executive’s authority was significantly constrained by institutional checks during this time.

Amidst the onset of World War I, political chaos engulfed Albania, prompting Prince Wilhelm’s departure from the country on 09/03/1914. In the aftermath, central and northern Albania saw control fall to various tribal chiefs and self-styled warlords, while in the south, leaders renounced the Protocol of Corfu and seized power. Prince William’s exit from Albania occurred against this backdrop, highlighting the fragmented state of governance amidst the turmoil.⁹ The Albanian people split along religious and tribal lines after the prince’s departure, as Muslims demanded a Muslim prince and looked to the Ottoman Empire as the protector. Albania’s political confusion continued in the wake of World War I. The country lacked a single recognized government and Albanians feared, that Italy, Yugoslavia, and Greece would succeed in extinguishing Albania’s independence.⁷ In 1914, LIED identifies political liberties as absent and V-Dem’s PCLI is classified by us as ambiguous regarding the status of political liberties.

Greek forces entered southern Albania after receiving the approval of the Great Powers and established a military administration in this territory by 10/27/1914.⁹ As a reaction to the Greek occupation, Italy occupied Vlorë and on 10/31/1914 the Italians seized the strategic island of Sasaneo. Serbia and Montenegro occupied parts of northern Albania until a Central Powers (United Kingdom, Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Ottoman Empire) offensive scattered the Serbian army.⁷ According to LIED, there was no male suffrage during this period, therefore this period is coded as a direct occupation regime. During 1915 political liberties did not really exist according to V-Dem’s PCLI. In this period there were de facto at least two clearly separate occupation regime, one by the Allied Powers (Greece and Italy) and one by the Central Powers. Before 11/05/1915, Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria, as members of the Central Powers, primarily occupied the central region of Albania. This area, largely rural and interior, was targeted for military administration. Meanwhile, Serbian and Montenegrin forces controlled the northern parts, and Greek and Italian troops held the south. The exact boundaries were fluid due to ongoing military developments at the time. Until Italy officially switched sides on 05/23/1915, when it declared war on Austria-Hungary and joined the Allied Powers, Italy was a member of the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary. However, it did not join the Central Powers when the war broke out. The partial occupation of northern Albania by Serbian and Montenegrin forces is generally considered to have ended on 11/05/1915, when a Central Powers offensive forced their withdrawal. The withdrawal of both Greek and Italian occupying forces from southern Albania also was completed on 11/05/1915. This date marks the point at which the Central Powers’ offensive led to the decisive withdrawal of the earlier foreign administrations from the region. On 02/09/1916, the capital Tirana was occupied by the Austro-Hungarian Empire.¹⁰ With the occupations V-Dem PCLI indicates that political liberties were in an ambiguous state and LIED considers them as absent for the entire time. The evacuation of the Serbian army from Albania was completed on 02/10/1916. In the Serb’s wake came the armies of Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria and they occupied further about two-thirds of the country. They would occupy most of Albania until the Vardar Offensive of 09/1918.⁷ After WWI, left without any political leadership or authority, the country was in chaos, and its very fate hung in the balance. At the Paris Peace Conference after the war, the extinction of Albania was averted largely through the efforts of U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, who vetoed a plan by Britain, France, and Italy to partition Albania among its neighbors.¹¹ For the relevant regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were limited. According to LIED only legislative elections, which weren’t multiparty, were held. On 09/09/1917 Bulgarian occupation in parts of the east of Albania ended, when French troops captured Pogradec from the Bulgarian army. After that the territory went back to Macedonia and Albania remained under Austro-Hungarian occupation.¹²

Austro-Hungarian troops announced their withdrawal from Albania on 10/03/1918.⁹ On 12/25/1918 a provisional government was elected by a congress in Dürres.¹³ For this time political liberties remained ambiguous according to V-Dem’s PCLI and absent following LIED. For 1919, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were limited. During the rest of this regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is classified by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were also moderate. According to LIED only legislative elections, which weren’t multiparty, were held in 1918 and 1919, in 1920 multiparty executive and legislative elections were held.

On this date, the first parliamentary elections in the country’s history were held.¹⁴ However, this data does not line up with Pearson (2006: 162) who finds, that in December 1920 Ilias Bej Vrioni became prime minister of the first properly elected parliament in Albania. Pearson (2006: 180) also finds that in December 1921 Aqif Pasha Elbasani and his supporters engineered a coup d’etat, leading to the collapse of Pandeli Evangjeli’s government. Only days later, Ahmet Zog marched toward Tirana and, over the next time, seized more and more control over parliament.¹⁵ In 1922, Prime Minister Zog formed a robust coalition government amidst frequent crises and shifts caused by unstable parliamentary factions (Nève 2010). Based on our observations, multiparty executive and legislative elections were held during this period, which aligns with the observations of LIED. For the relevant regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were robust. On 12/24/1924 Zog took control following an armed rebellion supported by Yugoslavia in December 1924. Formerly the commander-in-chief of the armed forces until December 1921, he assumed the roles of minister of the interior and prime minister the following year. On this date, he ousted the government of Fan Noli, declaring himself president on 01/31/1925 and acquiring dictatorial powers. The Albanian Republic was proclaimed. According to LIED multiparty executive and legislative elections were held in 1924, from 1925 onward executive and legislative elections, which weren’t multiparty were held. In accordance with LIEDs observations, elections during this time were not competitive. Since 1921, V-Dem’s EF&FI scored the freedom and fairness of Albanian elections as ambiguous. For the time after Zog’s declaration, the EF&FI scores what what we interpret as ambiguous freedom and fairness under his rule. The same goes for the CEI, which previously scored the cleanliness of elections as not existent for the whole regime period. LIED classifies political liberties as absent and according to V-Dem’s PCLI political liberties were not really present. According to Polity5, during this period, the executive held unlimited authority with no institutionalized constraints on decision-making power. For 1925, V-Dem’s JCE and LCE are both interpreted by us as indicating moderate constraints on the executive. During the rest of this regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is classified by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, whereas V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were limited.

On this date Zog crowned himself king without any royal connections. In this way „King” Zog is a case similar to self-proclaimed „Emperor” Jean-Bédel Bokassa in Central Africa. The ruling elite did not change between the time when Ahmed Muhtar bey Zogolli, taking the name Ahmet Zog, was president and when he crowned himself king (Swire 1937: 92, 94-95, Lentz 1999: 13, Austin 2012: 92, 94-95, Mëhilli 2017: 17). Based on Polity5’s assessment, during this period, the executive operated with unlimited authority, facing no institutional checks on power. While the partially elected parliament remained and had the power to elect a prime minister, we agree with Polity’s assessment, that Zog operated with de facto unlimited authoritarian control. For this reason, we classify legislative elections as present and executive elections as absent in this period, contradicting the observations of LIED. According to LIED executive and legislative elections, which weren’t multiparty, were held. For 1929-1937, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were limited. For 1938 and 1939, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were moderate. Political liberties are classified as absent by LIED and as not really present by V-Dem’s PCLI for the whole regime period.

On this date, before the outbreak of World War II, Fascist Italy invaded and rapidly overrun and occupied Albania. Its ruler King Zog I went into exile in neighboring Greece, and the country was made a part of the Italian Empire as a protectorate in personal union with the Italian Crown.” (Mëhilli 2017: 17, Casey et al. 2020: 1-2).¹⁶ No political liberties were present (V-Dem PCLI, LIED). The regime is a borderline case between being part of another country and an occupation regime. Parliament and the Albanian Fascist Party „held nominal power in Albania” in this period.¹⁷ According to LIED, both executive and legislative elections were held, but they were not multiparty. For 1940-1942, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were limited. For 1943, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were limited, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were absent.

After the armistice and the Italian exit from the Axis, German military forces entered Albania and it came under German occupation, creating the client-state, the Albanian Kingdom.¹⁸ Political liberties were absent according to LIED and V-Dem’s PCLI. For the relevant regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were absent. According to LIED executive and legislative elections, which weren’t multiparty, were held.

On this date, the last German forces expelled, and the Albanian state was re-established after Italian/German occupation. A provisional government under the leadership Enver Hoxha of the leader of the Communist Party of Albania took over power after the liberation of the country from German forces. In non-competitive elections on 12/02/1945 voters were presented a single list from the Democratic Front, which was organized by the Communist Party of Albania, which consequently won all seats in the parliament. From the start the regime was communist. However, the elections on 12/02/1945 were the first Albanian women could vote in.¹⁹ On 01/11/1946 Albania was renamed in the People’s Republic of Albania.²⁰ From 1946 to 1976, Albania was under the autocratic, Stalinist rule of Enver Hoxha. During this time, Hoxha established an isolated and ideologically rigid state. The regime sequentially broke alliances with Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union before aligning with China. This ultimately resulted in Albania’s official withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact in 1968 and the proclamation of the country as the world’s first officially atheist state in 1967.²¹ On 12/28/1976 Albania became the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania (Sudetic 1994, Pearson 2006:221). The government of Albania rejected all other Communist nations, including China, as „revisionist” traitors to true communism. The Hoxha Regime was marked by systematic terror, repression, and violation of human rights. There existed no freedom of speech, movement and especially religious people were persecuted.²² In 1976 the communist party declared Albania to be the first atheist state in the world.²³ Hoxha ruled until his death in 1985.²⁴ The People’s Republic of Albania was marked by extreme isolationism, rigid state control, and the suppression of political liberties. Freedom of speech, assembly, and association were entirely restricted, with the ruling Party of Labour of Albania maintaining absolute power. Minority groups, including ethnic Greeks and others, had minimal political representation and faced systemic discrimination. The regime implemented strict surveillance and repression to eliminate any dissent, leading to widespread human rights violations. According to LIED, both executive and legislative elections were held, but they were not categorized as multiparty. As classified by FH for this regime period, the country is scored from 11 to 14 as not free, which corresponds to our interpretation of not free. Political liberties are classified by LIED and V-Dem’s PCLI as not present. Hoxha was succeeded by Ramiz Alia as first secretary of the Albanian Party of Labor. On 12/11/1990, opposition parties were legalized. On 12/12/1990, the oppositional Democratic Party (PDS), was formed (Marshall 2018a). Until 1989, based on Polity5’s assessment, the executive operated with unlimited authority, facing no institutional checks on power. In 1990, as per Polity5’s classification, the executive’s authority was subject to minor institutional constraints. For almost the entire regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were limited, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were absent.

On this date, the first parliamentary multi-party elections since 1923 were held. However, the communist party, the Albanian Party of Labor, dominated the system to an extent that the elections cannot be characterized as free and fair. The result was a landslide victory for the communist Party of Labor, which won 169 of the 250 seats.²⁵ The oppositional PDS was not competitive in elections given the brief period to organize for elections and government denial of competitive access to state-controlled media; it boycotted the opening session of the legislature in April 1991. LIED affirms that the election was not competitive. Moreover, V-Dem’s CEI score indicates not really clean elections and the EF&FI signals according to our interpretation not really free and fair elections. Political liberties are classified as absent by LIED and as somewhat present by V-Dem’s PCLI for this period. Beginning in May 1991, hundreds of thousands of citizens participated in strikes and demonstrations to demand that the communists step down. For 1991, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were robust.

On this date, the Communist-dominated National Assembly resigned in response to a popular uprising. Power was transferred to a coalition government to handle the transition, and Alia’s loss of all but formal power. The transitional government led by the opposition established a new electoral law in February 1992 (Geddes/Wright/Frantz 2014: 39-40).²⁶ According to FH, the country is classified as partly free with a score of 8 and falls under the rather not free category in our interpretation. In this period of transition, we classify multiparty, executive and legislative elections as absent, which contradicts the observations of LIED. According to LIED multiparty executive and legislative elections were held. However, this seems to be a miscoding since such elections only took place on 03/22/1992. Political liberties were still classified as absent by LIED and as somewhat present by V-Dem’s PCLI for this period. For the relevant regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were comprehensive.

On this date, multiparty elections were held.²⁷ There were few reports of irregularities and fraud in the parliamentary elections. The opposition Democratic Party won a majority of the seats, defeating the Socialist (formerly the Communist) Party. However, there were reports on infringing on the rights of the Socialist Party through harassment, detentions and the withholding of food aid to areas where Socialists won in the year’s local elections. According to FH, the country is classified as partly free during this period, scoring between 6 and 7 and is categorized as rather free in our interpretation. Based on our observations, multiparty executive and legislative elections were held during this period, which aligns with the observations of LIED. LIED classifies the elections as competitive. However, V-Dem’s EF&FI scores the countries electoral freedom and fairness as ambiguous while their CEI scores them as not clean. Political liberties are classified as absent by LIED and as somewhat present by V-Dem’s PCLI for this period. According to the Polity5 indicator, during this period, the executive faced substantial limitations on decision-making power. For 1993, V-Dem’s JCE and LCE are both interpreted by us as indicating robust constraints on the executive. For 1994-1996, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were comprehensive. In this period the regime was a borderline case between an electoral democracy and an electoral hybrid regime.

Elections on this date were considered by observers as not meeting the standards of free and fair elections. However, the regime change was an event that marked the tipping point of a gradual autocratization over time. According to LIED multiparty executive and legislative elections were held during this period. 1996 is the only year after 1992, where LIED does not categorize the elections as competitive. V-Dem’s EF&FI and CEI score the elections as not really free, fair or clean. Almost all opposition parties boycotted the second round of the elections. The PDS gained almost 90 % of seats in the legislature. Albania became almost a one-party state under President Berisha. This instability culminated in 1997 with the collapse of massive pyramid schemes, exacerbated by widespread corruption within the government, which triggered a period of anarchy and armed rebellion, resulting in Berisha’s government collapsing.²⁸ At the following parliamentary elections on 06/29/1997 the norms for free and fair elections were also not met. FH categorizes Albania as partly free until 1997 with a score of 8 and falls under the rather not free category in our interpretation. Subsequently, the country is classified as not free until 2000, with a score between 9 and 10 which is categorized as rather not free in our framework. From 2001 onwards the country scores between 6 and 7 as partly free and is categorized as rather free in our interpretation. V-Dem’s PCLI classifies political liberties as somewhat present until 1998 and as present from 1999 onward. LIED classifies political liberties as absent. As per Polity5’s classification, the executive’s authority was significantly constrained by institutional checks during this time. For almost the entire regime period, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were comprehensive. An exception is the year 2003, where V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were comprehensive. While the regime in the period is classified as an electoral hybrid regime it is a borderline case between an electoral autocracy and an electoral hybrid regime.

The 2005 parliamentary elections in Albania marked an improvement in the quality of elections compared to previous years. Per FH’s classification, the country scores between 6 and 7 as partly free and is categorized as rather free in our interpretation. Based on our observations, multiparty executive and legislative elections were held during this period, which aligns with the observations of LIED. LIED considers the elections as competitive. V-Dem’s CEI first entered the range of ambiguous cleanliness in 2005 and has remained at this level since. EF&FI also improved from 2005, moving up to somewhat free and fair elections. These elections were seen as a significant step forward, with the opposition Democratic Party winning the majority. International observers, including the OSCE, noted improvements in the electoral process, such as better adherence to democratic standards and a reduction in the level of irregularities compared to earlier elections. However, the elections were not without issues, as serious concerns remained regarding the transparency and fairness of the process. Since 2011 elections in Albania are rated as competitive, free and fair with no considerable restrictions on political parties by the BTI.²⁹ However, the electoral process in Albania is deeply flawed. Nevertheless, according to LIED electoral competitiveness is given. However, CEI and EF&FI remained on the same level as mentioned above. Procedural irregularities increasingly exacerbate the contestation of results by the losing parties, leading to political distrust between the parties, political stalemate „Parliamentary activities are affected by the opposition relinquishing their mandates” and incidents of electoral violence (Lansford 2021).²⁹ Amendments of the Electoral Code in 2020, to further regulate the electoral process did not show any improvement. Instead, they permitted party leaders to contest parliamentary elections in as many as four districts simultaneously, providing them with an unjust advantage in comparison to other candidates.³⁰ As such, the electoral campaigns have become an arena for electoral violence and political polarization: For example, the 2021 multiparty elections led to incidents of public intimidation, injuries, even fatalities and incidents of electoral violence (Lansford 2021).³¹ The parliamentary election on 05/11/2025 took place amidst several high-profile corruption scandals involving the ruling party and was the first to allow diaspora voting. Despite allegations of vote buying and misuse of state resources, Prime Minister Edi Rama’s Socialist Party (PS) secured a fourth consecutive victory, winning an increased majority of 83 seats. This result consolidated Rama’s power, allowing the PS to continue its campaign to achieve EU membership for Albania by 2030.³² According to LIED, political liberties were absent in this regime period. V-Dem’s PCLI classifies political liberties as present. According to Polity5, during this period, the executive was subordinate to or held equal power with other institutions, indicating executive parity or subordination. For 2006-2022, V-Dem’s JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were robust, while V-Dem’s LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were comprehensive. In 2023 our interpretation of V-Dem’s LCE changed to robust.

Electoral Democracy as of 07/01/2025 continued.

Additional sources (Fischer 2006, Lansford 2015, Lansford 2021, Nève 2010, Osterberg-Kaufmann 2011, Pano 1968, Pano 1988, Pano 2009, Pearson 2006, Schmidt-Neke 2002, Skendi 1954, Sudetic 1994, Zickel/Iwaskiw 1992)