On this date Leonid Kravchuk was elected in direct presidential elections.14 The 1994 election led to a victory for former minister Leonid Kuchma over President Leonid Kravchuk (Haggard/Kaufman/Teo 2016: 66). Presidential elections in 2004 were won by Kuchma’s chosen successor, Viktor Yanukovych. He defeated Viktor Yanushchenko in the second-round run-off. But observers claimed the election failed to meet democratic standards and in Kyiv widespread protests came to be known as the ‘Orange Revolution’. After the poll was declared invalid, Yushchenko was elected president in a repeat of the run-off. In February 2010 Yanukovych was elected president, defeating Yuliya Tymoshenko, a figurehead of the 2004 protests. Tymoshenko alleged fraud and initially refused to resign the premiership as requested by Yanukovych in order for him to install a new government. However, international observers characterized the poll as generally fair (Lansford 2021). Tymoshenko was imprisoned in October 2011 for alleged abuse of power in relation to a 2009 gas deal with Russia.15 In April 2013 the European Court of Human Rights declared her arrest and detention unlawful (Macmillan 2022e). Unsuccessful attempts to implement judicial reforms and intensified assaults on anti-corruption bodies from 2019 to 2020 reached a climax with a constitutional crisis in late 2020. While there were alternations in power, the quality of democracy was overall low. FH classifies Ukraine as partly free and the V-Dem as an electoral autocracy. However, most other data sets classify Ukraine as being a democracy in this period. According to this dataset Ukraine constitutes an electoral hybrid regime. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Ukraine has faced significant challenges that have impacted its political landscape. The conflict has led to a state of war, dramatically altering the daily lives of Ukrainians and placing immense pressure on the country's institutions and governance. Despite these challenges, Ukraine has continued its efforts to maintain democratic processes and resist authoritarian influences. The resilience of Ukraine's democratic institutions during this period is notable, as the country has held more or less onto its democratic status despite the ongoing war and external pressures. Based on our observations, multiparty executive and legislative elections were held during this period, which aligns with the observations of LIED. From 1991 to 1993 the elections were not competitive according to LIED. Since 1994 constant competitiveness is scored. Regarding the V-Dem’s CEI scores for the election process since the country’s independence in 1991, multiple changes are observed. From 1991 to 1997 the elections score with a somewhat cleanliness. 1998 marks the change to an ambiguous cleanliness. The following seven years the elections are classified by not really cleanliness levels and irregularities. From 2006 to 2013 there is a return towards ambiguous cleanliness outcomes. In 2014 the scores changed to not really electoral cleanliness until 2016. For the following three years the scores indicate ambiguous cleanliness again. Since 2020 the elections are considered as somewhat clean. Furthermore, according to V-Dem’s EF&FI the elections were free and fair from 1991 to 1993, before they were classified as somewhat free and fair up to 1997. In 1998 the overall conditions scored ambiguous levels until 2003. For the next two years the election were not really free and fair. In 2006 there was a return towards somewhat free and fair conditions until 2013. Again, a change to ambiguous levels is given for five years. Since 2019 the election score freedom and fairness levels. According to the Polity5 indicator, during this period, the executive faced substantial limitations on decision-making power. As classified by FH for 1992, the country is partly free with a score ranging from 6 to 7, which we place in the rather free category. In 1992 and 1995, V-Dem's JCE and LCE are both interpreted by us as indicating moderate constraints on the executive. From 1993 to 1994, V-Dem's JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were moderate, while V-Dem's LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were robust. From 1996 to 2002, in 2013, in 2018, from 2021 to 2021 and in 2023, V-Dem's JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were limited, while V-Dem's LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were moderate. From 2003 to 2009, in 2019 and in 2022, V-Dem's JCE is interpreted by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were limited, while V-Dem's LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were robust. For the remaining years, V-Dem's JCE is classified by us as indicating that judicial constraints on the executive were absent, whereas V-Dem's LCE is classified by us as indicating that legislative constraints on the executive were moderate. Per FH’s scoring for 1993, the country is classified as partly free with a score of 8, which we categorize as rather not free. According to FH, a score of 6 to 7 for the years 1994 to 1999 designates the country as partly free, which aligns with our interpretation of rather free. As per FH, for the years 2000 to 2003, the country receives a score of 8, which we interpret as falling into the rather not free category. As classified by FH for 2004, the country is partly free with a score ranging from 6 to 7, which we place in the rather free category. As per FH’s classification for 2005-2009, the country receives a score of 5 as free, which we categorize as rather free. According to FH, a score of 6 to 7 for 2010-2021 designates the country as partly free, which aligns with our interpretation of rather free. Per FH’s scoring since 2022, the country is classified as partly free with a score of 8, which we categorize as rather not free. Besides, according to LIED no political liberties were present for the entire time. However, V-Dem’s PCLI indicates somewhat political liberties are present from 1991 to 1994, 1996 to 2004 and 2010 to 2021. In 1995 and between 2005 and 2009 full political liberties were achieved. Since 2022, the outcomes are ambiguous. In addition, the LDI indicates that the regime was not really a liberal democracy since 1991. Throughout the entire regime period, the country fluctuates between an electoral democracy and an electoral hybrid regime based on our criteria. Due to the persistent regime instability, which is a significant issue in itself, the regime is ultimately classified as an electoral hybrid regime.
Electoral Hybrid Regime as of 07/01/2025 continued.
Additional sources (Åslund/McFaul 2006, Beichelt 2004, Gilka-Bötzow 2007, Kubicek 1994, Prizel 1997, Way 2005)